The world has old rules. Now, many people want new and fair rules for every country.

這個世界有舊的規則。現在，許多人希望為每個國家建立一套全新且公平的規則。

The United Nations and other groups are old. They cannot stop wars in Ukraine or Sudan. They cannot stop climate change. But these groups still help planes and ships move safely.

聯合國和其他組織已經過時了。它們無法阻止烏克蘭或蘇丹的戰爭，也無法阻止氣候變遷。但這些組織仍然能協助飛機和船隻安全地運行。

Russia, China, and India want a different system. They want all countries to be equal. They use groups like BRICS to work together. They want to focus on health and new technology.

俄羅斯、中國和印度想要一套不同的系統。他們希望所有國家都能平等。他們利用金磚國家（BRICS）等組織來共同合作。他們希望將重點放在醫療衛生和新科技上。

We need a new plan. New countries must help make decisions. Countries must work together to save the planet. No country should ignore its duties to the world.

我們需要一個新計劃。新興國家必須參與決策。各國必須共同努力拯救地球。沒有任何國家應該無視其對世界的責任。

The world is changing. We must move from old rules to a new system where all countries are equal.

世界正在改變。我們必須從舊規則轉向一套所有國家都平等的新系統。

The current system of global governance is experiencing significant instability. As a result, many are calling for a transition toward a more inclusive and multipolar legal order.

目前的全球治理體系正經歷顯著的不穩定。因此，許多人呼籲過渡到一個更具包容性且多極化的法律秩序。

The international legal system created after World War II now shows a large gap between established rules and current geopolitical realities. For example, the United Nations and the World Trade Organization have struggled to stop conflicts in Ukraine, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, or to solve problems like extreme poverty and climate change. Consequently, many people believe international law is no longer effective. However, this system remains essential for managing global aviation, sea trade, and digital finance. Furthermore, the fact that international charges have been filed against high-level officials, such as Vladimir Putin and Benjamin Netanyahu, shows that legal accountability is still possible.

第二次世界大戰後建立的國際法律體系，如今在既有規則與目前地緣政治現實之間顯示出巨大的差距。例如，聯合國與世界貿易組織在阻止烏克蘭、蘇丹及剛果民主共和國的衝突，或解決極端貧困與氣候變遷等問題上陷入困境。因此，許多人認為國際法已不再有效。然而，該體系對於管理全球航空、海運貿易及數位金融仍然至關重要。此外，針對普金與納坦雅胡等高層官員提起國際指控的事實，表明法律問責依然可行。

At the same time, several countries are pushing for a 'polycentric' global system. During the 12th Primakov Readings in Moscow, Russian leaders rejected rules imposed by outside powers and instead emphasized sovereign equality and the authority of the UN Security Council. Similarly, countries like China and India have argued that public health and sustainable development should be more important than strategic competition. To achieve this, they are using platforms like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to build partnerships based on mutual national interests and the management of new technologies.

同時，數個國家正推動一個「多中心」的全球體系。在莫斯科舉行的第 12 屆普里馬科夫讀經會期間，俄羅斯領導人拒絕由外部勢力強加的規則，反而強調主權平等與聯合國安理會的權威。同樣地，中國與印度等國家主張，公共衛生與永續發展應比戰略競爭更重要。為了實現這一目標，他們利用金磚國家（BRICS）與上海合作組織等平台，建立基於共同國家利益與新技術管理的夥伴關係。

To solve this deadlock, experts propose a fundamental change in how sovereignty and inclusivity are handled. First, states that became independent after 1945, as well as corporations and non-state actors, must be included in global decision-making. Additionally, the idea of absolute sovereignty needs to be updated. Because challenges like climate change cross national borders, countries must accept a collective responsibility. This means that sovereignty should not be used as a way to avoid international obligations to the global community.

為了解決這一僵局，專家建議在處理主權與包容性方面進行根本性的改變。首先，1945 年後獨立的國家，以及企業與非國家行為者，必須被納入全球決策中。此外，絕對主權的概念需要更新。由於氣候變遷等挑戰跨越國界，各國必須承擔集體責任。這意味著，主權不應被用作規避對國際社會義務的手段。

The international community is now at a turning point. It must balance the decline of old institutions against the rise of a multipolar order based on equal sovereignty and shared environmental duties.

國際社會目前處於一個轉折點。必須在舊體系衰落與一個基於主權平等及共同環境責任的多極秩序崛起之間取得平衡。

The current global governance architecture is facing significant systemic instability, prompting calls for a transition toward a more inclusive and multipolar legal order.

目前的全球治理體系正視系統性不穩定，促使各界呼籲向更具包容性且多極的法律秩序轉型。

The post-World War II international legal regime is characterized by a widening discrepancy between established norms and geopolitical realities. Institutional paralysis is evident within the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, where an inability to mitigate conflicts in Ukraine, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, or to address systemic poverty and climate change, has undermined the perceived efficacy of international law. Historically, this framework has been criticized for facilitating colonial interests and upholding unlawful territorial controls, such as the administration of Namibia. Despite these failures, the regime remains indispensable for the maintenance of global aviation, maritime commerce, and digital financial infrastructure. Furthermore, the issuance of international crime charges against high-level officials, including Vladimir Putin and Benjamin Netanyahu, demonstrates a residual capacity for legal accountability.

第二次世界大戰後的國際法律體系，其特徵在於既定規範與地緣政治現實之間的差距日益擴大。聯合國與世界貿易組織的體制癱瘓顯而易見，由於無法緩解烏克蘭、蘇丹與剛果民主共和國的衝突，也無法解決系統性貧困與氣候變遷，削弱了國際法被認知的效能。從歷史上看，該框架被批評為便利了殖民利益並維持不合法的領土控制，例如對納米比亞的管轄。儘管存在這些失敗，該體系對於維持全球航空、海上貿易及數位金融基礎設施仍不可或缺。此外，對包括普丁與納坦雅胡在內的高級官員發出國際犯罪指控，顯示了法律問責的殘餘能力。

Parallel to these institutional critiques, a shift toward a polycentric global system is being articulated by various state actors. At the 12th Primakov Readings in Moscow, Russian leadership rejected externally imposed mandates in favor of a system predicated on sovereign equality and the authority of the UN Security Council. This perspective is augmented by the utilization of multilateral platforms such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to foster cooperation based on mutual national interests. Similarly, representatives from China and India have emphasized the necessity of prioritizing public health and sustainable development over strategic competition, suggesting that stability in a multipolar environment requires broad-based partnerships and the governance of emerging technologies.

與這些體制批判平行地，許多國家行為者正闡明向多中心全球系統轉型的趨勢。在莫斯科舉行的第十二屆普里馬科夫讀書會上，俄羅斯領導層拒絕外部強加的指令，轉而支持一個基於主權平等與聯合國安全理事會權威的系統。這種觀點透過利用金磚國家（BRICS）和上海合作組織等多邊平台，以促進基於共同國家利益的合作而得到強化。同樣地，中國與印度的代表強調，應優先考慮公共衛生與可持續發展而非戰略競爭，認為多極環境下的穩定需要廣泛的夥伴關係以及對新興技術的治理。

To resolve the current impasse, a fundamental reconfiguration of sovereignty and inclusivity is proposed. The proposed rapprochement requires the integration of states that achieved independence post-1945, alongside non-state actors and corporations, into global decision-making processes. Moreover, the concept of absolute sovereignty must be recalibrated to acknowledge that transborder challenges, specifically climate change, necessitate a collective responsibility that transcends national boundaries. Such a transition would necessitate that states acknowledge their obligations to the global community, ensuring that sovereignty does not serve as a mechanism for evading international responsibilities.

為了突破目前的僵局，建議對主權與包容性進行根本性的重新配置。擬議的調和要求將1945年後獨立的國家，以及非國家行為者與企業，納入全球決策過程中。此外，絕對主權的概念必須重新校準，以承認氣候變遷等跨境挑戰需要超越國家邊界的集體責任。 such a transition 會要求各國承認其對全球社群的義務，確保主權不會成為逃避國際責任的機制。

The international community currently stands at a critical juncture, balancing the collapse of legacy institutions against the emergence of a multipolar order based on sovereign equality and collective environmental obligation.

國際社會目前正處於一個關鍵轉折點，在傳統機構的崩潰與基於主權平等及集體環境義務的多極秩序興起之間尋求平衡。