Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his party won the 2026 elections. People want peace with other countries.

總理尼古爾·帕辛揚及其政黨贏得了2026年的選舉。人們渴望與其他國家和平。

Many people in Armenia want a quiet life. They do not want more war. They want a peace deal with Azerbaijan.

許多亞美尼亞人想要平靜的生活。他們不希望再發生戰爭，希望與亞塞拜然達成和平協議。

The opposition parties did not win. The leaders of these parties do not like each other. They cannot work together.

反對黨未能獲勝。這些政黨的領導人彼此不合，無法共同合作。

Russia still sells energy to Armenia. But Russia has less power over Armenian politics now. Some voters do not like Russia.

俄羅斯目前仍向亞美尼亞銷售能源。但俄羅斯對亞美尼亞政治的影響力已經降低。部分選民並不喜歡俄羅斯。

Armenia wants to work with Western countries. But Azerbaijan wants Armenia to change its laws first. Pashinyan does not have enough votes in parliament to change the laws.

亞美尼亞希望與西方國家合作。但亞塞拜然要求亞美尼亞先修改法律。帕辛揚在議會中沒有足夠的票數來修改法律。

The people want peace with Azerbaijan and Türkiye. But some problems with laws and money still exist.

人們希望與亞塞拜然及土耳其和平。但法律與資金方面的问题依然存在。

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his Civil Contract party have kept their parliamentary majority after the 2026 elections, showing that the public supports a foreign policy focused on peace.

總理尼格爾·帕希尼揚及其「公民契約」黨在2026年選舉後維持了議會多數，顯示出公眾支持以和平為核心的外交政策。

The election results show that Armenian voters now prefer regional stability over the nationalist language used by opposition groups. Although the military loss of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023 could have caused the government to collapse, the results suggest that people prefer a practical approach to survival. Consequently, the government has removed Nagorno-Karabakh from its current security strategies and is prioritizing the peace agreement signed with Azerbaijan in August 2025.

選舉結果顯示，亞美尼亞選民現在比起反對黨所使用的民族主義言論，更傾向選擇區域穩定。雖然2023年在納戈爾諾-卡拉巴赫的軍事失敗可能導致政府垮台，但結果顯示人們更傾向採取務實的生存方式。因此，政府已將納戈爾諾-卡拉巴赫從目前的安全戰略中移除，並優先考慮2025年8月與亞塞拜然簽署的和平協議。

Furthermore, the government's position was strengthened because the opposition is divided. While 'Strong Armenia' and 'Armenia Alliance' hold a combined 41 seats, personal conflicts between leaders Samvel Karapetyan and Robert Kocharian make it unlikely that they will work together. At the same time, Russian political influence seems to be decreasing. Although Moscow still has economic power through trade and energy subsidies, its ability to control political results has weakened, and some voters now avoid candidates who seem too close to Russian interests.

此外，由於反對黨分歧嚴重，政府的地位得到了強化。雖然「強大亞美尼亞」與「亞美尼亞聯盟」共持有41個席位，但領導人薩姆韋爾·卡拉佩蒂揚與羅伯特·科恰良之間的個人衝突，使得他們不太可能合作。與此同時，俄羅斯的政治影響力似乎正在下降。雖然莫斯科仍透過貿易與能源補貼擁有經濟權力，但其控制政治結果的能力已削弱，部分選民現在會避開那些看起來與俄羅斯利益過於接近的候選人。

However, the move toward Western integration and better regional relations depends on several factors. For example, Azerbaijan still demands changes to the constitution to prevent future land claims, but Pashinyan cannot do this without a two-thirds majority in parliament. Additionally, Armenia still relies on Russia for economic support, which means the government must be careful with its diplomacy to avoid financial instability.

然而，向西方整合及改善區域關係取決於數個因素。例如，亞塞拜然仍要求修改憲法以防止未來的領土主張，但帕希尼揚若無議會三分之二的絕對多數，將無法達成此目標。此外，亞美尼亞在經濟支持上仍依賴俄羅斯，這意味著政府在外交上必須謹慎，以避免金融不穩定。

The election confirms that the public wants to normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Türkiye, although full peace depends on unresolved constitutional issues and economic ties to Russia.

此次選舉確認公眾希望與亞塞拜然及土耳其恢復正常關係，儘管全面和平仍取決於尚未解決的憲法問題以及與俄羅斯的經濟聯繫。

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his Civil Contract party have retained a parliamentary majority following the 2026 elections, signaling a public mandate for a peace-oriented foreign policy.

總理尼科爾·帕希尼揚及其「公民契約」黨在2026年選舉後維持議會多數，顯示公眾授權其採取以和平為導向的外交政策。

The electoral outcome reflects a strategic pivot by the Armenian electorate, prioritizing regional stability over the nationalist rhetoric championed by opposition factions. Despite the 2023 military loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, which analysts suggested could have precipitated a political collapse for the administration, the results indicate a societal preference for existential pragmatism. This shift is evidenced by the exclusion of Nagorno-Karabakh from current national security strategies and the prioritization of the peace agreement signed with Azerbaijan in August 2025.

這次選舉結果反映了亞美尼亞選民的戰略轉向，優先考慮區域穩定，而非反對派所鼓吹的民族主義言論。儘管在2023年軍事失守納戈爾諾-卡拉巴赫，分析師曾認為這可能導致政府政權崩潰，但結果顯示社會傾向於生存實用主義。這種轉變體現在目前的國家安全戰略已將納戈爾諾-卡拉巴赫排除在外，並優先考慮2025年8月與亞塞拜然簽署的和平協議。

Institutional friction within the opposition further consolidated the government's position. The combined 41 seats held by 'Strong Armenia' and 'Armenia Alliance' are mitigated by interpersonal animosities between Samvel Karapetyan and Robert Kocharian, rendering a unified opposition front improbable. Furthermore, the results suggest a diminishing efficacy of Russian political influence; while Moscow maintains significant economic leverage through energy subsidies and trade, its capacity to dictate political outcomes has attenuated. Analysts observe that perceived alignment with Russian interests may now serve as a deterrent to certain voter demographics.

反對派內部的體制摩擦進一步鞏固了政府的地位。「強大亞美尼亞」與「亞美尼亞聯盟」共持有41個席位，但由於薩姆韋爾·卡拉佩蒂揚與羅伯特·科恰良之間的私人恩怨，使得統一的反對陣線變得不可能。此外，結果顯示俄羅斯的政治影響力正在下降；雖然莫斯科透過能源補貼與貿易維持顯著的經濟槓桿，但其主導政治結果的能力已經減弱。分析師觀察到，被視為與俄羅斯利益一致，現在反而可能成為某些選民群體的阻礙。

However, the transition toward Western integration and regional rapprochement remains contingent upon several variables. Azerbaijan continues to demand constitutional amendments to preclude future territorial claims, a requirement that Pashinyan cannot currently satisfy due to the absence of a two-thirds parliamentary majority. Additionally, the persistence of economic dependencies on Russia necessitates a calibrated diplomatic approach to avoid systemic financial instability.

然而，向西方整合與區域和解的過渡仍取決於幾個變數。亞塞拜然繼續要求修憲以排除未來的領土主張，由於帕希尼揚目前缺乏議會三分之二的多數支持，無法滿足此要求。此外，對俄羅斯的經濟依賴依然存在，因此需要採取精準的外交手段，以避免系統性的金融不穩定。

The election confirms a public preference for normalization with Azerbaijan and Türkiye, though full peace remains contingent upon unresolved constitutional demands and economic dependencies.

這次選舉確認了公眾傾向與亞塞拜然及土耳其恢復正常關係，但全面和平仍取決於未解決的憲法要求與經濟依賴。